Solar Energy For Desalination Technologies in Saudi Arabia Essay

Solar Energy For Desalination Technologies in Saudi Arabia - Essay Example Saudi Arabia is a country of paradoxes, not only in its history and culture but even in its natural resources. In its substrata lies the 18 per cent of all the world’s proven oil reserves, the largest anywhere in the world (Revenue Watch Institute, 2011), and because of this the country is assured of a steady stream of petrodollars that has the potential to make it one of the world’s wealthiest economies. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia is situated in one of the world’s most arid regions, with little surface water, very little rainfall, and increasing desertification which is gradual loss of once arable and fertile land to encroaching aridity (TeachMideast, 2011). Thus while it is abundant in the world’s most expensive natural resource, Saudi Arabia is however sorely lacking in that commodity essential to life and plentiful in nearly every other region of the planet – fresh water. Through the years the process of desalination has enabled countries in arid regions to obtain potable water from brackish or seawater. In Saudi Arabia this is being done today on a large scale through oil powered desalination plants. While the use of fossil fuels poses no present concerns for this oil-rich country, government officials, scientists and policy makers are all aware that the supply of oil is not inexhaustible, and eventually shall be depleted. At such time, the country should have been able to build the capability to desalinate water using sustainable sources of energy such as solar radiation, which this desert region has a limitless supply of. Presently, the country is unable to accomplish solar powered desalination on a large scale, and many are pessimistic that this could be done. Statement of the Research Objective: This dissertation aims to explore the viability of harnessing solar energy for the purpose of large-scale desalination of water in Saudi Arabia. Research questions: In order to satisfactorily achieve the research objective, the dissertation shall seek the answers to the following research questions: 1. What is the currently prevailing situation of large-quantity water desalination in Saudi Arabia? 2. What is the rate of water consumption of Saudi Arabia’s population, and what are the chances of a projected shortfall of potable water in the event of the closure of its oil powered desalination plants? 3. How is large-scale solar powered desalination technology described, and what is its feasibility in Saudi Arabia? Q1: Currently prevailing desalination situation An Overview of Desalination Process in Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabia is the world’s largest producer of the desalinated water, accounting for at least 30 per cent of the total world output. The Kingdom has invested nearly $25 billion in the last 80 years developing the technology for desalination, and in building and operating the desalination plants. Presently, ther e are some 30 desalination plants in the country, 27 of which supply drinking water to the principal urban centers and industrial locations via a

An Inquiry Into Pigou And Welfare Economics Economics Essay

An Inquiry Into Pigou And Welfare Economics Economics Essay Arthur Cecil Pigou (1877-1959) was among the last in the long line of classical economists associated with the Cambridge School. Pigou first entered Kings College, Cambridge on a Minor Scholarship in History and Modern Languages (1896). Observing his palpable brilliance, Alfred Marshall and Henry Sidgwick together encouraged him to pour his academic vigour into the study of political economy (Collard, 1981). Although significantly influenced by Henry Sidgwick, Pigou was foremost Marshalls disciple and is often considered the embodiment and extension of Marshall himself (Walker, 1989). Like Marshall, Pigou was attracted to the practical value of economics and believed the main purpose of learning economics was to be able to see through the bogus economic arguments of politicians (Champernowne, 1959: 264); he believed economics to be an instrument for social betterment not intellectual gymnastics. The numerous works by Pigou cover various fields of economic thought. Pigous marked interest in how government policy could increase national well-being? is apparent throughout his work and led him to invented much of modern public finance especially arguments and rationale for government intervention in the economy (Pressman, 1999). Furthermore, his notable contribution, Economics of Welfare (1932) occupies a unique position in the history of economic thought and has earned him recognition as the father of modern welfare economics (Groenewegen, 2003). A study into Pigous writings on the economics of welfare requires one to be selective due to the wide-ranging scope of topics that may be covered; this paper will therefore concentrate on the theoretical backbone of Pigous work and aim to analyse different critiques of his theory of welfare in Section I. Section II will consider the foundations of and influences on Pigous work and explore criticisms of a lack of originality in his writ ings. Finally, in Section III, we will investigate the Pigous position on government intervention and analyse his suggested policy prescriptions. SECTION I Welfare economics is concerned to investigate the dominant influence through which the economic welfare of the world, or of a particular country, is likely to be increased. The hope of those who pursue it is to suggest lines of action or non-action on the part of the State or of private persons that might foster such influences (Pigou 1951: 287) Welfare economics is a normative subject, distinct from positive economics. Whilst the theoretical elements of positive economics provide theorems that can be tested, normative economics and the propositions of welfare economics have altogether a very different content (Graff, 1957: 2). The difference between normative and positive theory becomes apparent when we attempt to determine whether welfare actually increases or not; analysis of a positive theory requires testing of its conclusions which are clearly observable, conversely to test a normative theory of welfare one must look to test its assumptions rather than conclusions since welfare is not an observable quantity. Thus the assumptions attached to a normative theory must be carefully and thoroughly scrutinised and the credibility of a theory of welfare depends on how realistic and relevant its assumptions are (Graff, 1957: 3). This section will, in turn analyse the major assumptions made by Pigou for the development of his co ncepts of economic welfare and national dividend which are key to his theory. Economic Welfare Pigou defined economic welfare subjectively as quantities of satisfaction or states of consciousnessà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦[with] psychic returns of satisfaction, (Pigou 1926: 10). Recognising that subsequent investigation into the causes that could affect welfare would be impracticable, he limits the scope of the inquiry to that part of social welfare that can be brought directly or indirectly into relation with the measuring-rod of money (Pigou 1926: 11). To justify the restrictions on his scope of elements compiling the social welfare he postulates that since a persons income is an observable money value, it could be inferred that, under certain conditions, people could enjoy a level of material welfare that could be purchased by their income (Mishan, 1969). The connection between increased income and the other elements of welfare is much harder to define therefore Pigou explicitly recognises that since economic welfare is only a part of welfare as a wholeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦so that a given change in economic welfare will seldom synchronise with an equal welfare as a whole (Pigou, 1926: 12). Thus, although a change in economic welfare may not measure the change in total welfare, it may always affect the change therefore Pigou concludes that economic welfare and total welfare are positively related (Durlauf and Blume, 2008). UTILITY DEBATE? Doesnt he assume something stupid about utility interpersonal utility or something? National Dividend The conception of the National Dividend is not an academic toy, but a practical instrument of great power designed for service in the concrete solution of social problems (Pigou, 1912: 493) In order to predict the effects of policies on material welfare at the aggregate level, an aggregate measure was required. Pigou identified the national dividend as the appropriate aggregate measure suggesting that economic causes act on the economic welfare of any country, not directly, but through the making and using of the objective counterpart of economic welfare which the economists call the national dividend (Pigou, 1926: 31). The national dividend is described as the flow of goods and services annually produced after maintaining capital intact and is a key concept for Pigous analyses of how policies or institutions affect economic welfare (Scott, 1984: 59). Pigou outlines the two criteria for detecting improvements in social welfare which reflect the importance of this key concept to his theory of welfare; firstly increases in the value of national dividend, provided the share for the poor is not thereby reduced, will result in an increase in social welfare. Secondly, transfe rs from the rich to the poor without any reduction in the national dividend will also yield higher social welfare (Pigou, 1926). Several critics have voiced opposition to Pigous definition of national dividend specifically on the issue of maintaining capital intact.  [1]  He states that if the quantity of every unit of a countrys capital stock remains unchanged over a certain period, then even is the money value has increased/decreased, the total capital stock has been exactly maintained. He argues that changes in the money value of the stock due to general price changes or changes in the rates of interest are irrelevant to the national dividend (Scott, 1984: 60). Only a decline in the physical quantity of capital has to be made good (or replaced) with new capital of the same value (provided the valuation is made when the deterioration actually takes place) and depreciation due to interest rates or price changes are irrelevant (Pigou, 1926: 46). The national income in any period is therefore the sum of consumption and gross investment minus that portion of gross investment necessary to maintain capital int act (Scott, 1984; Pigou, 1926). Myint (1948) highlights the inadequacies of transposing this concept of maintaining capital intact (which is essentially a physical level of analysis) to derive the value of capital from expected value of income yielded (essentially a subjective level of analysis) by merely making good the physical wear and tear (Myint, 1948: 174). He finds fault with the fact that depreciation (due to obsolescence  [2]  ) must be allowed for even if capital goods are in perfect condition. This issue also sparked a heated debate between Hayek (1941) and Pigou (1941) in which Hicks (1942) also intervened. Hayek attacked Pigou on this point stating, what is meant by maintaining capital intact [according to Pigou] consists in effect of the suggestion that for this purpose we should disregard obsolescence [whether it is due to foreseeable or unforeseeable causes] and require merely that such losses of value of the existing stock of capital goods be made good as are due to physical wear and tear (Haye k, 1941: 276). Hayek finds Pigous procedure neither useful theoretically nor in actual practice (Hayek, 1941: 276). The root of the disagreement lies in their different conceptions of depreciation; while Pigou maintains that only a decline in the present value of capital due to factors which affect the expected quantity is relevant whilst Hayek argues the the real problem of maintaining capital intact arises not after such losses have been made, but when the entrepreneur plans his investment (Hayek, 1941: thus a decline in expected quantity will count as depreciation regardless of whether it is due to factors affecting expected quantity or prices (Hill, 1999: 2). While Hayeks biting criticism seemingly undermines Pigous conception of national dividend, Scott (1984) contends both arguments are in fact sound and it is the purpose for which the definition is of critical importance; whilst Pigou was concerned with net social income, Hayek was referring essentially to individual people o r firms. READ HICKS ADDITION TO THE DEBATE AND ADD IN WHAT HE SAYS ABOUT THE DIFFERENCE IN PURPOSES FOR THE CONCEPT. SECTION II When a man sets out upon any course of inquiry, the object of his search may be either light or fruit either knowledge for its own sake or knowledge for the sake of good things to which it leads, (Pigou, 1926: 3) Pigou is widely considered the father of modern welfare economics and the basic concepts of early welfare theory are attributed to his work, Economics of Welfare (1926). However, there are commentators who speculate that no matter how innovative Pigou may have been, many of his major theoretical contributions to welfare analysis lacked originality and were based on pre-Marshallian concepts; ODonnell (1979) implies Henry Sidgwick is a major influence who is not attributed sufficient credit. ODonnell (1979) argues that as a firm follower of Marshall, Pigou utilised his marginal analyses of market processes. However, they differed on their beliefs in the ability of competitive markets and economic freedom to stimulate economic growth and reduce poverty; Marshall was confident that competitive markets, left alone, would lead to efficient allocation and that government intervention would create so many disincentives that it may cause more harm than good (Walker, 1989). Conversely Pigou argued that fairness is only to be achieved through extensive government intervention. Moreover, when Pigou (1926, 1928) sought to formalise the problems of market failure and the appropriate government solutions, he turned to Sigdwicks earlier propositions on government intervention. More than half a century before Pigou, Sidgwick and J. S. Mill initiated the transition from the non-interventionist approach of the classical tradition to the more interventionist orientation that characterised neoclassical welfare theory and influenced Pigous theory of welfare (Medema, 2007). Subsequently it is argued that in defining welfare and the general qualifications for a welfare criterion (wherein the similarities between basic welfare considerations of Pigou and Sidgwick are obvious), Pigou is not original (ODonnell, 1979). He was, however, genuinely innovative in introducing the terms Marginal Social Net Product (MSNP) and Marginal Private Net Product (MPNP); although Sidgwick (1897) expressed similar conclusions about divergences between private and social benefits marginal considerations were not part of his analysis and his generalised concept was not as concise as Pigous (ODonnell, 1979). Therefore, whilst Pigous contribution to welfare economics is undeniable, he is criticised for developing what is essentially a synthesis of ideas and analyses from Marshall and Sidgwick. Yet, if we again invoke the purpose for his inquiry and his beliefs about the practical use of economics, the fruits of his contribution yielded an expansive literature on not only welfare economics but also public finance and environmental economics for which he is undeniably responsible; the purpose isà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦that the fabric of theory shall be a yielding garment, fitting the varied and complex reality of economic life as closely as is demanded by the criterion that the conclusions to which the theory leads shall be both useful and general (Young, 1913: 686). SECTION III The working of self-interest is generally beneficent, not because of some natural coincidence between the self-interest of each and the good of all, but because human institutions are arranged so as to compel self-interest to work in directions in which it will be beneficent (Cannan in Pigou, 1926: 130) We move now to the subject of government intervention in the economy. In his relatively unknown essay on State Action and Laissez-Faire Pigou stated the real question is not whether the State should act or not, but on what principles, in what degree and over what departments of economic life its action should be carried on (Pigou in Medema, 2009: 65). In Economics of Welfare (1926) Pigou controversially advocates the need for government intervention in the form of taxes and bounties to correct for market failures and our defective telescopic faculty. External Economies In Economics of Welfare (1926) Pigou originated the innovative theoretical distinction between social and private benefits and costs, illustrating how private production costs for a firm do not necessarily reflect total social costs of production. This analysis formed the basis for much of the analysis in modern environmental economics (Myint 1948). He states that when value of MSNP (marginal physical product of the factor as appropriated by the producer * market price of product) is greater than MSNP (total of products and services from employment of the additional factor no matter to whom they may accrue) external economies exist and the government must intervene in the market to ensure the industry contracts the optimum output may be reached and economic welfare may thus be maximised (Pigou, 1926). Coase what coase said economists have tended to overestimate the advantages of government intervention and that such intervention may not actually be desirable in certain situations? Monopolies Pigou says that monopolies are bad and that governments should intervene to make sure they dont overrun? Something like this? But people argue against that and say that this is not good and his assumptions are wrong! CONCLUSION General optimum and national dividend are major elements that constitute his theory of welfare. Section I National Dividend National Dividend and General Optimum National Dividend he outlines the national dividend which is defined as _______. Is very important because it is the measure he outlines as the aggregate indicator of welfare. Discussion Hayek criticised his conception of the national dividend because of his assumption of Maintaining capital intact stating that __________________ General Optimum and Criterion for welfare maximisation He says that anything that increases the national dividend, so long as it doesnt reduce the share going to the poor will increase total welfare and anything that increases the share of the poor so long as it doesnt affect the national dividend, will also increase welfare. Discussion Buchanan (http://www.heinonline.org.ezproxy.webfeat.lib.ed.ac.uk/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/jlecono2id=1size=2collection=journalsindex=journals/jlecono#126) outlines the difference between Pigous optimum and Paretos optimum ODonnell criticises Pigou for lack of originality, claiming that he has basically created a synthesis of Pre-Marshallian ideas and Marshallian analysis (the only thing original being his contribution of MSNP and MPNP). Myint criticises Pigou for trying to impose Marshalls physical analysis onto what should be a subjective level of analysis: since welfare theory, as argued by graff, is a normative theory. Section II External Effects Pigou basically says that private firms do not always take into account the Monopolies MONOPOLIES 6. I do not propose to say very much in this paper about the welfare economics of monopoly and imperfect competition, for this is altogether too large a subject to be capable of useful treat- ment on the scale here available. A very large part of the estab- lished theory of imperfect competition falls under the head of welfare economics, and it is actually much the strongest part of the theory which does so. Considered as a branch of positive economics, the theory of imperfect competition is even now not very convincing; the assumption that the individual producer has a clear idea of the demand curve confronting him has been justifiably questioned, and the presence of intractable elements of oligopoly in most markets has been justifiably suspected. When it is considered as a branch of welfare economics, the theory of imperfect competition has a much clearer status. Oligopoly and monopolistic competition fall into their places as reasons for the inequality between price and marginal c ost, whose consequences are then a most fertile field for study along welfare lines. It is perhaps rather to be regretted that modern theories of imperfect competition have not been cast more overtly into this form; for the general apparatus of welfare economics would have made it possible to state some of the most important pro- positions in a more guarded way than usual. Take, for example, the very important question of the optimum number of firms in an imperfectly competitive industry, which is so near the centre of modern discussion. Since (ex hypothesi) the different firms are producing products which are economicaly distinguishable, the question is one of those which falls under the heading of our third set of optimum conditions-the totl conditions; we have to ask whether a reduction in the number of products would be conducive to a movement towards the optimum. Suppose then that a particular firm is closed down. The loss involved im its cessation is measured by the compensati on which would have to be given to consumers to make up for their loss of the opportunity to consume the missing product, plus the compensation which would have to be given to producers to make up for the excess of their earnings in this use over what they could earn in other uses. The loss is therefore measured by Marshalls Surplus (Consumers Surplus 1 plus Producers Surplus). Under conditions of perfect competition, this loss is a net loss. For when the factors are transferred to other uses, they will have to be scattered about at the margins of those uses; and (since the earnings of a factor equal the value of its marginal product) the additional production made possible by the use of the factors in these new places is equal in value to the earnings of the factors (already accounted for). Under perfect competition, the marginal productivity law ensures that there is no producers surplus generated at the new margins; while, since the marginal unit of any commodity is worth no more than what is paid for it, there can be no consumers surplus either. Thus there is nothing to set against the initial loss; there cannot be a movement towards the optimum if the number of products is reduced. But if competition is imperfect, there is something to set on the other side. The earnings of a factor are now less than the value of its marginal product by an amount which varies with the degree of monopolistic exploitation; and therefore the increment to production which can be secured by using the factors at other margins is worth more than the earnings of the factors. There is a producers surplus, even at the margin, and this producers surplus may outweigh the initial loss. The general condition for a particular firm to be such that its existence is compatible with the optimum is that the sum of the consumers and producers surpluses generated by its activities must be greater than the producers surplus which would be generated by employing its factors (and exploiting them) elsewhere. The rule usually given is a special case of this general rule. If entry to the industry is free, price equals average cost, and the producers surplus generated by the firm as a whole can be neglected. If the products of the different firms are very cl ose substitutes, or merely distinguished by irrational pre- ferences, consumers surplus can perhaps be neglected as well. With these simplifications, the number of firms in an impe competitive industry is always excessive, so long as price is greater than marginal cost anywhere in the industry. (Or, if we can retain the identity of price with average cost, the number of firms is excessive until average cost is reduced to a minimum.) These, however, are simplifications; it is not always true that the number of firms in an imperfectly competitive industry is excessive, though very often it may be. Before recommending in practice a policy of shutting down redundant firms, we ought to be sure that the full condition is satisfied; and we ought to be very sure that the discarded factors will in fact be transferred to more productive uses. In a world where the most the economist can hope for is that he will be listened to occasionallY, that is not always so certain. In the absence of costs of movement the allocation of resources by competitive markets achieves universally equal marginal private net products. However, the production of ideal output requires equality of marginal social net products. Where private and social net products diverge, there is a prima facie case for reallocation of resources (Economics of welfare page 136) The Economics of Welfare Pigous major work, Wealth and Welfare (1912) and Economics of Welfare (1920), developed Alfred Marshalls concept of externalities (see Pigou, 1920), costs imposed or benefits conferred on others that are not taken into account by the person taking the action. Pigou attributed welfare gains to the greater marginal utility a dollar of income had for the poor compared to the rich; a transfer of income from rich to poor increased total utility that could also be defined as increased quality of life. Pigou also argued that welfare gains came from improving the quality of the work force through changes in the distribution of income or by improved working conditions. He argued that the existence of externalities was sufficient justification for government intervention. The reason was that if someone was creating a negative externality, such as pollution, he would engage in too much of the activity that generated the externality. Someone creating a positive externality, say, by educating himself and thus making himself more interesting to other people, would not invest enough in his education because he would not perceive the value to himself as being as great as the value to society. To discourage the activity that caused the negative externality, Pigou advocated a tax on the activity. To encourage the activity that created the positive externality, he advocated a subsidy. These are now called Pigovian (or Pigovian) taxes and subsidies. Let us now consider two excerpts that typify Pigous social policy, mentioned above: One person A, in the course of rendering some service, for which payments is made, to a second person B, incidentally also renders services or disservices to other personsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ of such sort that payment cannot be exacted from benefited parties or compensation enforced on behalf of the injured parties (Pigou 1932). It is possible for the State to remove the divergence [between private and social net product] through bounties and taxes (Pigou 1932). In the Economics of Welfare, Pigou says that his aim is to ascertain how far the free play of self-interest, acting under the existing legal system, tends to distribute the countrys resources in the way most favorable to the production of a large national dividend, and how far it is feasible for State action to improve upon natural tendencies. He starts by referring to optimistic followers of the classical economists who have argued that the value of production would be maximized if the government refrained from any interference in the economic system and the economic arrangements were those which came about naturally (Pigou 1932). Pigou goes on to say that if self-interest does promote economic welfare, it is because human institutions have been devised to make it so. He concludes: But even in the most advanced States there are failures and imperfections there are many obstacles that prevent a communitys resources from being distributed in the most efficient way. The study of these constitutes our present problem its purpose is essentially practical. It seeks to bring into clearer light some of the ways in which it now is, or eventually may become, feasible for governments to control the play of economic forces in such wise as to promote the economic welfare, and through that, the total welfare, of their citizens as a whole (Pigou 1932). Pigous thoughts are further elucidated: Some have argued that no State action is needed. But the system has performed as well as it has because of State action: Nonetheless, there are still imperfections. it might happen that costs are thrown upon people not directly concerned, through, say, uncompensated damage done to surrounding woods by sparks from railway engines. All such effects must be included-some of them will be positive, others negative elements-in reckoning up the social net product of the marginal increment of any volume of resources turned into any use or place (Pigou 1932) To illustrate this discussion further, let us consider an example: Suppose a paper mill was being planned on a certain river and an economist was given all facts about the river-in-question and told that a paper mill was to be sited so that it could discharge oxygen-consuming waste into the river. Suppose further that the economist was asked to analyze the situation, offer a policy for siting the mill, and comment on the practical aspects of adopting the policy proposal as a general rule. The first approach involves an externality analysis, where the paper mill pollutes the river, imposing an unwanted cost on society, a cost that does not enter the mill owners profit calculations. This is the problem of social cost. Following this line of inquiry, failure to consider the external cost leads to too much paper and too little environmental quality. This economist would be using an analytical framework developed by A. C. Pigou who would argue that pollution generates a social cost that should be dealt with by the central government. He would propose a system of taxes, bounties, and regulations for resolving the problem. Most likely, the economist using this framework would call for some form of effluent taxes or regulation to control the mills discharge. Pigous solution spoke of market failure and the need for a central authority to fine-tune markets so that the appropriate level of pollution would emerge. This approach called for collection of complicated and rapidly changing information, translating the information into a tax or regulation, and imposing the tax or rule on the polluter. In fact, modern environmental economics began with the work of Arthur Pigou, who developed the analysis of externalities. His name is attached to the traditional policy proposal, Pigouvian taxes on polluting activities, equal to the value of the damages. Coases alternative solution Pigous approach came under attack from Lionel Robbins and Frank Knight. The New Welfare Economics that arose in the late 1930s dispensed with much of Pigous analytical toolbox. Later, the Public Choice theorists rejected Pigous approach for its naive benevolent despot assumption. Finally, Nobel Laureate Ronald Coase demonstrated that efficient outcomes could be generated without government intervention when property rights are clearly defined. Coase presents his case in the article The Problem of Social Cost (1960). To explain this alternative let us continue with the paper mill example. There is a second approach likely taken. In this line of thinking the economist considers the paper mill and others who wish to consume or enjoy water quality as part of a competitive market where people bargain for the use of rights to scarce property. This analysis has nothing to do with polluters imposing cost on society, but everything to do with competing demands for use of an asset. If rights to the asset are defined and assigned to members of the river-basin community, then those planning to build the paper mill must bargain with the rightholders to determine just how much, if any, waste will discharge into the river. If the rights are held by the mill, then the existing communities along the river must bargain with the mill owner for rights to water quality. Again, bargaining determines the amount of discharge to the river. This approach relies on the work of Ronald Coase (1960). Using this framework, an economist might recommend a meeting of the mill owners and others who have access to the river. After organizing the parties, negotiations would ensue. If existing river users owned water-quality rights, the mill would have to buy the rights in order to discharge specified amounts of waste. If the mill had the right to pollute, existing river users would have to buy water quality from the mill, paying the mill to limit its discharges. In other words, Pigouvian taxes do embody the important principle that polluters should pay for the damages they inflict on society. But in both law and economics, a more conservative analysis has gained popularity. Legal scholar Ronald Coase argued that taxes and regulation might be unnecessary, since under some circumstances polluters and those harmed by pollution could engage in private negotiation to determine the appropriate compensation. While Pigous examples of externalities often involved simultaneous harms to large numbers of people, Coases examples tended to be localized, individual nuisances, where one persons behavior disturbed the immediate neighbors. The image of environmental externalities as localized nuisances serves to trivialize the real problems of widespread, collective threats to health and nature. Creative alternative readings of Coase have been suggested at times, but the dominant interpretation of his work has provided an intellectual basis for the retreat fr om regulation. Comparison of Pigous and Coases approaches Evidence of the record of Coases intellectual influence is seen in the count of citations to his 1960 article, which are shown in Yardley (1977). The citation data of Coases (1960) The Problem of Social Cost and Pigous (1932) The Economics of Welfare are superimposed on a count of Federal Register pages for the same years. The data mapping suggests several things. First, Pigous influence on academics seems to operate at a steady state. There is no evidence that Pigovians were responding to the growth of regulation occurring around them. The Coase citations indicate the reverse. References to his ideas seem to be a reaction to th

Women and Education Essay -- Educating Female History Argumentative Es

Women and Education An education holds significance to many people for a variety of reasons. For some, it may be the route to a desired career or just the next step after high school. For others, attending a university is a way to increase their awareness of other viewpoints through the exposure to the diverse culture represented on a campus. In evaluating the value and significance of my own education, I reflected on the education of the women of the 19th century. Their outlook on education is somewhat different than ours today because of the fact that it was difficult and rare to be an educated woman during this period. Today we posses the freedom to pursue almost any field available. However, in some instances we face lower salaries and in some cases less respect than men with the same training. Only 16% of college and university presidents and 25% of chief academic officers are women. Chief business officers are 13% women. We must educate and prove ourselves so that our daughters experience greater opportunities than we do as we experienced more than our ancestors because of their hard work. The female gender throughout early history has been characterized as a homekeeper. They were not the bread bearers of the family partially because work was dominated by manual labor. Men were naturally more suited to these jobs due to their superior strength. As time progressed, business progressed. A successful business began to rely on brain power instead of muscle power. Women can participate in this type of work just as efficiently as men. Unfortunately, many of the men and women of this period were reluctant to change the long tradition of women remaining in the home. Therefore, the development of women’s le... ... with expressions of deference† while the â€Å"avenues to which stand ever wide open, yawning like the gates of hell.† To be forced into a day to day activity devoid of you interest is similar to a prison sentence. The frustration of possessing passion for something unreachable fueled the rebellion of the women insisting on making education available. Through my research into the history of developing education for women and making it acceptable, I have come to appreciate it on a different level. My education is not only a result of my hours of studying, but of the people throughout many decades who suffered without the same opportunities I have and faced constant criticisms to do what they choose. What I take away from this university is one of the only things you can count on, knowledge. Knowledge that allows me the freedom to do whatever I choose in life.

Aging: A Natural Process and New Stage of Life

Death: And They Bade Goodbye Loss is a usual incident in human existence (Becker, page 9). It primarily incites high prominence in both personal and social responses. Through scientific approaches, awareness to the complexity and influence of loss to humans’ acclimatization and collective responses has come to pass in the 20th century. Development of grief therapy and grief counselling was contributed by the clinical needs of people struggling with various losses. Preventive psychiatry was originated by numerous crisis-intervention programs and teams.Crisis teams were pulled together to manage disaster situations and suicide-prevention programs were recognized in many communities. Mutual-help groups were started to work in response to increasing demands for strengthening those who have lost their loved ones. Reception of loss and bereavement is a serious human problem. Deteriorating Function: Body Weakens Persons with rational and progress disability persistently face hindranc es in accessing services in community. As they become old and be on their late years, they are at great risk for functional decline.Some studies have demonstrated that older adults suffered from being apprehensive about their health status (Williams and Nussbaum, page 143). They are so much worried that deterioration of physical functioning and illnesses might brought them little space in the society and might render them unable to live independently. In addition, after serious illnesses like heart disease, stroke, and fracture, anxiety disorders often appear. Advanced practice nurses acknowledged a number of active health-related predicaments for aging people with an intellectual and developmental immobilization that had latent consequences on function and survival.Reduced Income: Smaller Penny Retirement and subsequent change of financial situation made many elderly worried about their lives. Economic downturn in recent years augmented their concern about the employment and income of their adult children. The only intervention to remedy this situation is to secure the elders about their needs. Social World: Closing Doors Nursing intervention may prevent or ameliorate some functional decline. Social decline may sometimes happen progressively and is not reversible.This deterioration often goes together with illnesses like chronic and terminal disease states such as Parkinson’s disease, dementia, degenerative joint disease, cancer, and heart failure. Social status is influenced as physiological aging changes and as adaptation to the physical environment transform. Acceptance of the social world to elders is a contingent and it involves proper motivation (Thomas, page 349). Additional impediment of social decline comprises incontinence, loss of independence, decreased socialization falls, malnutrition, and increased risk for long-term institutionalization and depression.Nurses have been foremost players in confronting the challenges of taking care of olde r adults over the past 50 years. Defeating new challenges of the 21st century will require nurses to move beyond the conventional ways of thinking about old aged. Advancement in national and international programs that gears towards meeting the human needs, including large numbers of people will require new perspectives on giving care and new forms of leadership in interdisciplinary efforts to help old persons in all parts of the world be as comfortable and healthy as can be as they cherished every moment of their latter years.

Website for Cavite State University-Silang Campus

INTRODUCTION1.1 Background of the StudyA newspaper refers to a printed publication consisting of folded unstapled sheets and containing news, feature articles, advertisements, and correspondence. It occupies an important place in our life. It plays an important role in shaping the destiny of a country. Every morning a newspaper brings up news from every corner of the world. A good newspaper is a sign of good civilization and progress of a country. It satisfies the demands of the literates, it covers a wide range of subjects like sports, advertisement, education, trade etc. the government makes important announcements only through a newspaper. It plays a very important role in a democratic country.It is a true mirror of the public opinion. The importance of newspapers can’t be ignored in the social uplift of the country. Hence, newspapers still enjoy an integral part in the society (Prajwal N., 2010). The Sumilang Group of Publications, the publisher of The Sumilang Chronicles and other scholastic newsletters, is the official publication of Cavite State University – Silang Campus. The organization is built under Republic Act No. 7079 or the Campus Journalism Act of 1991. According to Section 2 of R.A. 7079, â€Å"It is the declared policy of the State to uphold and protect the freedom of the press even at the campus level and to promote the development and growth of campus journalism as a means of  strengthening ethical values, encouraging critical and creative thinking, and developing moral character and personal discipline of the Filipino youth.In furtherance of this policy, the State shall undertake various programs and projects aimed at improving the journalistic skills of students concerned and promoting responsible and free journalism.† It is the responsibility of the organization to provide the members of the academic community with all the current news and updates happening around the campus which includes university and academic n ews, development news, community news, features, sports news, literary, opinion and photo essays. However, release of newsletter inside the university is not frequent unlike other schools, resulting to lack of information on the latest happenings inside the university.To address this problem, the proponents have come up with a proposed study to develop a website for The Sumilang Group of Publications, in which the current news and events of the university can be read and accessed anytime and anywhere by the students, faculty members, and administrators of the university.1.2 Statement of the ProblemAccording to some interviews conducted to the members of the The Sumilang Group of Publications, they are experiencing difficulties with their operations. With the traditional process in communicating with other members, they are affected in terms of reaching out to its members, thus resulting in miscommunication. The manual system of checking and passing of news articles are also affectin g the operations of the organization.Some articles are not following the proper process in proofreading, thus resulting to multiple unseen errors. As observed by the proponents, developing a website for The Sumilang Group of Publications of Cavite State University – Silang Campus will greatly benefit the organization. With this, the students, faculty members and administrators, will now have access to information on the latest news and updates inside the university online. The organization will also have the ability to import and manage their data and articles with the help of the website.1.3 ObjectivesThe general objective of this study is to create a website for The Sumilang Group of Publications of Cavite State University – Silang Campus. Also, this study has the following specific objectives: a. To design a website that will highlight the official publication of the university; b. To disseminate the latest news and events inside the university in real time; c. To d evelop the system as intended, and;d. To test and implement the system.1.4 Significance of the StudyThe project design, â€Å"Website for the Sumilang Group of Publications in Cavite State University – Silang Campus†, was developed in order to address the need of the organization in managing updates about the latest news and events happening inside the university. Also, this was intended for the rapid processing of articles to elevate their services.This study is also intended to benefit the writers of the Sumilang Group of Publications because it will let them post their articles in a more secure and convenient manner. Also, the students and instructors of Cavite State University – Silang Campus will benefit with this website because they can now coordinate and contribute in ensuring that all information found are correct and well-updated.Multitasking will also be more efficient with the help of this project design. The members will now be able to save time in submitting their articles, while other staffs and members can now handle other tasks, thus making their operations more efficient. Also, the university can save resources, time, and energy in producing accurate reports that in return, will eliminate time hindrances and data inconsistencies.As for the students and instructors that will serve as the readers, this system can assure that all data found on the website are timely and accurate; Giving the impression that the Sumilang Group of Publications is a credible organization that will result in more confidence for the members of  the organization in order for them to continue serving the academic community. Scope and LimitationThis project design is only limited in the development of a website for The Sumilang Group of Publications of Cavite State University – Silang Campus with the following features: Add, edit, and feature news articles, display news and announcements, and highlight the Sumilang Group of Publications as t he official publication of Silang Campus. In order to develop the project design, the researchers used a single unit of computer with the following specifications: Intel ® Atomâ„ ¢ processor N270 (1.60 GHz, 533 MHz FSB, 512 KB L2 cache) processor, 2GB memory and 500GB hard disk storage. For the software, the researchers used Microsoft Windows 7 Ultimate (32-bit) operating system, PHP for the scripting language, and MySQL for the database.In order to properly address the problem of the organization and to produce software that will meet certain standards, the researchers used the Rapid Application Development (RAD). RAD is a software development process used to speed the overall development time of a system. The objective of RAD is first to decrease development time, which will decrease expense, by involving end-users in every phase of the software development life cycle. There are four phases in RAD as shown in Figure 1. The first phase is requirements planning.Requirement plan ning is the process of identifying the solution to the current problem. The user design phase is the phase when the end-user gives thoughts on how the system should be designed. This would be a non-technical design. It is a local design of the system. The next phase is the construction phase, which is the actual building of the system. The final phase is the installation of the system, which is called the cutover phase. Included in this phase is the testing and training of the users.